| Review of: 
		
		Erika Timm, 
		Historische jiddische Semantik. Die Bibelübersetzungssprache als Faktor 
		der Auseinanderentwicklung des jiddischen und des deutschen Wortschatzes. 
		Niemeyer: Tübingen. 2005. ISBN 3-484-73063-3. 
		(Published June 2006. HSL/SHL 6) 
		 
		
		Max Weinreich created 
		the term ‘fusion language’ (shmeltsshprakh) to describe the 
		process by which four languages were combined over centuries to form 
		Yiddish. Judeo-Romance was according to Weinreich the language of the 
		first Jews to settle in Ashkenaz, the German-speaking language area. The 
		others were Hebrew-Aramaic, varieties of first Old High German and later 
		Middle High German, and finally Slavic languages, after a majority of 
		Ashkenazic Jews migrated eastward as a consequence of persecution in the 
		West. Although not unquestioned (see e.g. Krogh 2001), there is wide 
		agreement among scholars on this concept of amalgamation. However, there 
		are diverse views on the role and importance of each of the components 
		in the process. Some argue for Judeo-Romance, Aramaic or Sorbian as the 
		substrate of Yiddish (see Katz 1985 and Wexler 1991), whilst others 
		would say that these languages influenced Yiddish as adstrates (Krogh 
		2001). Although the Germanic component in Yiddish is the most dominant 
		in phonology, morpho-syntax and the lexicon, the majority of research 
		over the last fifty years has concentrated on the impact of the other 
		components. This was perhaps due to the desire to separate the study of 
		Yiddish from German linguistics and philology, which had traditionally 
		ignored Yiddish or perceived it as a minor variety of German, obscurely 
		characterized by Hebrew letters. 
		
		This slightly 
		imbalanced approach has been counteracted to a certain extent by the 
		Department of Yiddish at Trier University, notably by Erika Timm, who 
		contributed a major study Graphische und phonische Struktur des 
		Westjiddischen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Zeit um 1600 to 
		the field of Yiddish historical linguistics in 1987. Earlier, in 1986, 
		Timm had published an article outlining structural differences between 
		German varieties and the emerging Yiddish language, focussing on the 
		distinct development of the Germanic component in Yiddish. In this 
		article Timm already refers to the important role the Yiddish calque 
		language used to translate the Bible might have played in the process 
		towards a Germanic component distinct from other German varieties. Her 
		latest publication Historische jiddische Semantik. Die 
		Bibelübersetzungssprache als Faktor der Auseinanderentwicklung des 
		jiddischen und des deutschen Wortschatzes in 2005 is the result of a 
		research project led by Timm over more than a decade, partly funded and 
		supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. In her book she looks 
		at the distinct development of the Germanic component in Yiddish, 
		focussing on its semantics by examining the impact of the Yiddish 
		translation of the Bible as learned and memorized by schoolchildren in 
		the traditional Jewish elementary school, the Kheder. The institution of 
		the Kheder dates back to the second century AD, if not earlier, and its 
		main method of teaching involves the cantillation of passages from the 
		Bible in Hebrew in order to learn them by heart, followed by a 
		word-by-word or phrase-by-phrase translation into the vernacular. The 
		translation of the Bible into Yiddish, although a calque language rather 
		than a medium for spoken language, developed into a fairly customized 
		form through its institutional use. As Timm shows convincingly in her 
		book, it influenced the semantics of the Germanic component in the 
		language in a remarkable way. 
		Timm and 
		her team based their research on the Hebrew–Yiddish Bible dictionary 
		Mircevess 
		hamišne, 
		first printed around 1534, which gives a more or less complete overview 
		of the Yiddish calque language. The relevant translations from the 
		Biblical text into Yiddish were compared with historical and recent 
		sources and dictionaries of Yiddish, Middle High German and Early New 
		High German. Furthermore, words offered by the calque language were 
		contrasted with a number of Yiddish sources dating from the first half 
		of the fifteenth century. In doing so Timm can show that the calque 
		language preserved forms in Yiddish which were abandoned by German 
		varieties and/or the German standard language, e.g. 
		šprejtn 
		“to spread” or the verbal prefix der-. Furthermore the calque 
		language created many words unknown in German dialects or in the 
		emerging German standard language by using Germanic derivational affixes 
		, e.g. -ung, -nisch, -kejt or –haftig. A 
		main translation principle of the Kheder made it necessary to find 
		Germanic equivalents even for Hebrew component words in Yiddish since 
		the biblical texts were not supposed to be translated by Hebrew words. 
		Many of the resulting neologisms were not common in old Yiddish sources 
		but made their way into modern Yiddish. Timm shows how Hebrew influenced 
		and formed the Germanic component of Yiddish indirectly through the 
		established calque language for bible translation, thus contributing to 
		the distinct development away from German varieties. It is, however, not 
		only the lexicon but also parts of morphology which are influenced, 
		formed or simply reinforced by the calque language, e.g. the s-plural, 
		diminutive plurals or the Yiddish demonstrative construction der 
		dosiger (“the same”). 
		The 
		second part of the book is devoted to a thorough and meticulous 
		discussion of those German compound words from Mircevess hamišne 
		which show considerable differences when compared to German. Thus, Timm 
		most remarkably specifies in her study what can be hidden beneath the 
		somewhat vague notion of contact induced language change in highlighting 
		the sociolinguistic and institutional background of language use which 
		contributed to the distinct development of the Germanic component in 
		Yiddish.  
		Gertrud Reershemius,
		School of 
		Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham 
		(contact the
		reviewer). 
		
		
		References 
		Katz, Dovid. 1985. 
		
		“Hebrew, 
		Aramaic and the Rise of Yiddish”. 
		In: Joshua A. Fishman (ed.), Readings in the Sociology of Jewish 
		Languages. Leiden: Brill. 85-103. 
		Krogh, 
		Steffen. 2001. Das Ostjiddische im Sprachkontakt. Deutsch im 
		Spannungsfeld zwischen Semitisch und Slavisch. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 
		Timm, 
		Erika. 1986. 
		“Das 
		Jiddische als Kontrastsprache bei der Erforschung des 
		Frühneuhochdeutschen”.
		Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 14, 1-22. 
		Timm, 
		Erika. 1987. Graphische und phonische Struktur des Westjiddischen 
		unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Zeit um 1600. 
		Tübingen: Niemeyer. 
		
		Weinreich, Max. 1980.
		History of the Yiddish Language. Chicago: University of Chicago 
		Press. 
		
		Wexler, Paul. 1991.
		
		“Yiddish 
		– the fifteenth Slavic Language. A study of partial language shift from 
		Judeo-Sorbian to German”.
		International Journal o0f the Sociology of Language 91, 9-150. |